Now that the deputy of Bokk Gis Gis, Pape Diop, has “taken with full responsibility, after careful consideration, the decision to join the parliamentary group which will be set up by the coalition of power Benno Bokk Yaakaar”, moves away from the parliamentary cohabitation that the opposition wanted. It remains to be seen whether the various coalitions which went together to the last legislative elections will be able to “govern” together, condemned as they will be to the telescoping of their respective ambitions. Obviously Taxawu Senegal and Yewwi Askan Wi will each have a candidate for the 2024 presidential election, as Barthélémy Dias, deputy mayor of Dakar, reiterated, reaffirming that his candidate remains Khalifa Sall. Just like the Alliance for the Republic (Apr) which will be in the race, it will be necessary to count with the Senegalese Democratic Party (Pds) to throw all its forces into the battle so that its leader, Karim Meïssa Wade, “exiled” in Doha, can return to the fold and recover its civic rights there. Whether through a presidential pardon or the passing of an amnesty law, such an eventuality will necessarily include Khalifa Sall.
In any case, while the idea of regrouping the liberal family is sometimes agitated, the impossibility of seeing Karim Wade, boss of the Pds, aligning himself behind a candidate of the Apr or vice- poured.
The presidential election of 2024 is therefore announced to welcome plural candidacies with the implicit risk of implosions of parties and/or coalitions of parties. Let President Macky Sall designate a dauphin or a dauphine and now, like a Mexican army, things will go into a spin. That he resolves to circumvent such a prospect by seeking a 3rd term will not be without danger since such a decision could lead to some political and social unrest. Likewise, it will contribute to federating all the parties or coalitions of parties against the president-candidate, each going with their own verse while forging a holy alliance against him, even if it means then supporting the best placed.
Given that from now on, at the level of the majority as of the opposition, everything will be conditioned by the next presidential election, it is therefore here and now that political strategies are taking shape.
Taxawu Senegal is therefore expected to position its leader as an alternative offer to the power in place, while ensuring that he is not perceived as a second to Sonko, behind whom we will have to line up.
So we can already suspect that if the two poles of the inter-coalition, Yewwi-Wallu, could agree in the hemicycle on the vote of certain laws and/or bills, it is not certain that the agreement will be without a hitch, since each coalition will have to set in motion a strategy of autonomous presidential conquest.
And this all the more so since we will remember the pangs of the single candidacy carried in 2000 by Abdoulaye Wade with the Left pole (Pit, And Jëf, Ld/Mpt) which had pledged to support him. Indeed, the first thing that Abdoulaye Wade did was to methodically get rid of all those cumbersome allies who prevented him from living as an emancipated president.
We are therefore justified in believing that towards 2024 there will be a fragmentation of the poles which will make it difficult to qualify for the 1er round. If the qualifier is the outgoing president, in the sense that he has requested a 3e mandate, it is very likely that Senegal will be prey to a dynamic of pre-election protest with the risk of slippages punctuated by injuries, cut lives, not to mention the possible irruption of the army on the political scene in the event that the Chienlit would pretend to want to settle permanently. A novelty that is certainly not desirable, but which remains a potential danger that should not be overlooked.
Unless a “surprise guest” appears who can create a strong attraction around his programmatic offer. However, the presidential election to be held in a little less than 2 years makes such a scenario unlikely.
In any case, whatever the reservations expressed here or there, at this stage of our common history, the good news is the reliability of the Senegalese electoral system and subsequently the awareness by the citizen-voter of the efficiency of his electoral card. In a word, its power of sanction and/or promotion. It would therefore be in everyone’s interest, the political class, civil society, the media, to force the actors to reinforce the credibility of the institutions and not to discredit them. Clearly, they made possible two major political alternations in 2000 and 2012, as well as local and legislative elections marked by the formidable breakthroughs of the opposition.
As long as only Senegal matters, it remains to track down the dysfunctions of our institutions, to strengthen them, secure them, give them credibility, so that the system can force everyone to follow the rules that apply to everyone. world. In this sense, the report of the National Commission for the Reform of Institutions (CNRI) submitted to the President of the Republic on February 13, 2014, with proposals aimed at remedying the institutional dysfunctions highlighted, is undoubtedly a good working document. which is just waiting to be dusted off for an application that meets the requirements of the period. And that engages all parties, majority as well as opposition.
This work is all the more important because what is expressed through the results of all these elections is above all that little something called hope. And neither the purchases of conscience, nor poaching, nor the display of infrastructures can overcome this nostalgia for excellence. To forget it, to disregard it, is to commit hara-kiri.
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2024, here we go! (By Vieux SAVANE)
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